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标题: 中国学院派写给美国毛派的一封信，信中点名红中网 [打印本页]
作者: 西红柿收割机 时间: 2023-2-2 02:42:07 标题: 中国学院派写给美国毛派的一封信，信中点名红中网
本帖最后由 西红柿收割机 于 2023-2-2 11:34 编辑
承认成果，展望未来
（回复美国毛主义共产主义联盟）
Rick Sanchez，2023.1.31，来自：布站
https://longlivemarxleninmaoism2022.ml/t/topic/18772
同志们，
无论怎讲，从纽约到上海，从伦敦到巴黎，今天的我们都能感到“事情正在起变化”，虽然我们不相信贡派天天谈论的“五十到一百年”神话，但持续了几十年的最黑暗的噩梦或许确实有望在我们这一代被终结。诚然，真正的暴风雨距我们还有一段距离，但地平线上的乌云却已是隐约可见了。而对于任何想要去拥抱这暴风雨的革命青年而言，若是不能对自己所处的社会环境有一个较为清晰科学的认知的话，那必然是寸步难行的。
不过你们目前看到的这篇文章却并没有对中国当代社会现实进行详细严谨的分析，甚至可能连非常初步的阶级分析也谈不上。当我在去年十一月份计划写作这篇文章的时候，本来只打算简单谈谈左派特别是马列毛主义者在中国的现状。但是计划总赶不上变化，近期此起彼伏的各种群众运动使我在真正写作的时候衍生出了许多东西，最终我尝试在本文中对过去的经验教训进行一定总结，并对未来的道路进行适当的展望。
我们都知道，自从无产阶级文化大革命失败、社会主义中国完蛋以来，掌握军政大权的修正主义者们很快形成了中国新的资产阶级并在革命的尸体上建立起了令希特勒汗颜的强大法西斯式资产阶级专政。随着上海民兵组织的被迫妥协（或者说得难听点“投降”）全中国各地的革命组织也迅速瓦解；在随后的法西斯暴政之下，无数的革命者和有阶级意识的工人锒铛入狱，还有不少人直接被送去见了马克思。这之后的三十多年间虽然也有爆发过强大的农民运动（但是值得特别注意的是，“农民”作为一个独立的社会阶级在今天的中国已经不复存在了，然而部分贡派老爷和红中网的老保先生自然是不会理解的）和零星的工人斗争，但在中国这片土地上却几乎完全找不到任何一个自由的毛主义者；对于这个时期，我敢说即使是连美国都没如此黑暗。以上这种情况直到2008年才稍微得到改变。
在本世纪的前十年中，随着过去一部分老革命者出狱（例如伟大的重庆革命者黄廉）、国际毛主义运动的存在、中国国内各种矛盾的激化和世界金融危机的冲击，毛主义者在中国好歹是“存在”了。不过在那个时候，当任何人在中国谈到左派时，人们的第一反应都是那些类似于今天俄罗斯“共产党”那样虚伪可笑的东西，可见当时的情况是有多么糟糕。在这一阶段中，一位叫阳和平的美国马列毛主义者给了我们莫大的帮助；他的父母，在新民主主义革命时期就曾来到中国帮助中国革命。而他本人则是新世纪在中国宣传毛主义的第一批人，直到今天，他都还在身体力行的通过视频会议和理论写作等多种方式帮助我们的发展，并且在近期我们同以未明子为代表的工联主义和修正主义叛徒的斗争中发挥了旗手的作用。2008年兴起的那波左派运动直到2018年佳士运动失败后才真正宣告终结。（至于为什么以佳士运动为代表的一系列左派运动会失败我们会在后文讨论）随后的一年多时间里，以北大马会为代表的一系列左派学生组织和非政府组织接连遭到破坏。那个时候我们很多人一度觉得特色党的统治确实是无懈可击的。（中国的左派和自由派习惯简称中国当局为“特色”，称呼现在的中国共产党为“特色党”）
在2019年新冠疫情爆发初期，特色的官员很快暴露出了他们的无能（例如湖北省的省长在公开报告时几次搞错了“感染人数”、“口罩数量”和“医务人员人数”等最基本的数据）；统治阶级在面对这种突发性公共卫生危机时的第一反应并不是如何解决问题，而是如何解决提出问题的人；事实上，在疫情刚刚爆发的时候就已经有几位武汉医生预警过有新型病毒正在传播，但是统治阶级居然以扰乱公共秩序的名义把他们给逮捕了！！！甚至当所有人都知道病毒正在传播的时候，他们依旧没有得到释放。这种事情在后面也有反复发生。我们都知道特色政府直到去年十月份的时候依旧坚持最为极端且日益强化的法西斯式封控政策，但在十二月初的时候，由于地方财政的恶化、房地产市场的萎缩以及最重要的—一系列英勇的群众斗争宣告了特色防疫政策的彻底破产，这迫使当局不得不放弃了先前的政策；但是当局却采用了完全不负责的突然取消一切防疫政策的方式来回应群众的呼声，并且由于各地取消防疫的政策非常混乱毫无规范（比如直到十二月末，北京某个学校的家属居住区在全国都已经解封的情况下依旧保持封锁状态，直到居民起来反抗才宣告解封；类似的事情在全中国数不胜数），结果导致了全中国十多亿人遭到感染，无数穷人因此死亡，我本人也对此深有体会。当然了，对于统治阶级而言，劳动者都不属于人类，顶多算得上是“多功能人型工具”，所以他们自然可以宣称中国的防疫政策在世界上是最成功的。（我想美国的统治阶级应该也是这方面的专家）
因为极端防疫政策而导致的社会矛盾激化是有一个发展过程的。当2019年疫情刚刚爆发的时候，几乎所有人都相信我们面对的是一种非常严重的病毒，因此特色早期的各种封城、行踪报告和核酸检测等防疫政策在大部分人看来都是可以接受的；从某种意义上讲，那个时候的防疫政策基本上还是一个技术问题，但这点在最迟2021末的封控中发生了很大的转变。当人们发现在大学里只有大学生必须严格执行所谓防疫政策而其他人员甚至包括游客都可以自由进出时人们感到了疑惑；当人们发现政府可以随意的使上海这样有千万人口的国际大都会随时瘫痪时人们感到了无奈；当人们发现任何人只要穿上防疫人员的白色制服就可以为所欲为的侵犯他人基本人权（即使是从自由派对人权的理解而言也是）时人们感到了愤怒；而当人们发现政府可以因为所谓的“防疫政策”而不顾群众的生死时人民选择了奋起反抗。
作者: 西红柿收割机 时间: 2023-2-2 02:44:10
本帖最后由 西红柿收割机 于 2023-2-2 11:30 编辑
当然了，尽管即使连最落后的群众在那时也多少发现所谓防疫政策至少是不合理的时候，某些“伟大革命导师”（其中包括不少的“贡派”）却不这么认为。那个时候我们经常会听到一些虚伪的“左派”说“中国政府的封控政策相对于欧美的政策是非常优越的、是对人民负责的，并由此论证中国目前还存在一些“社会主义”因素。他们的这种说法只能反映他们的愚蠢无知罢了。我们现在甚至已经不用再理他们了，因为人民已经用实际行动回应了他们。当然了我们和他们之间的路线斗争不止于此。
我们经常就以下几个问题和他们爆发激烈冲突，例如：
“中国是否是一个帝国主义国家？”（不过现在甚至已经有人敢于公开的扭曲帝国主义的性质，大谈什么“帝国主义国家”也可以有所谓“进步的民族主义”要求了）
“持久人民战争策略是否在当代中国适用？”（这个问题一般是和贡派争论，此外还涉及到“当代中国革命的性质”、“中国统治阶级的性质”等等本质上相同的问题）
“台湾问题和少数民族问题”（这两个问题受客观环境限制即使在我们内部也讨论的很少，不过可以预见的是，等这两个问题真正成为迫切的现实问题的时候，肯定有不少的“左派”还是要当“爱国者”的）
女权问题（这个问题在中国基本上被扭曲的变了形，但并不是美国“政治正确”式的扭曲，要分析这个问题的话恐怕得另外写一篇文章了）
当然了还有俄乌战争问题，在这个问题上我觉得你们已经分析的很好了。
事实上，中国先前极端的防疫政策和欧美国家放任不管的防疫政策虽然看起来不同，但从本质上而言都是维护资产阶级利益最大化的不同手段罢了，这些手段在必要的时候甚至是可以相互转换的，并且这种转换也确实在中国发生了。中国统治阶级先前之所以可以采取极端的防疫方式主要是因为以下两点：
第一，中国的统治阶级是通过颠覆无产阶级专政掌握政权的，为了在一个革命国家复辟资本主义他们不得不从一开始就采用最为极端和反动的资产阶级专政形式也就是法西斯专政；因此中国的官僚垄断资产阶级几乎是单独享有一切权力，掌控了社会主义中国遗留下来的强大组织能力和全国的医疗卫生资源并拥有世界第一的工业产能，所以中国的统治阶级才有能力推行极端的防疫政策。
第二，中国是不同于美国和英国这样产业空心化的国家的。中国是一个高度依赖于制造业的国家，因此它的统治阶级才有意愿通过极端的防疫政策追求在短时间内控制疫情，从而使一切“回归正常”。
（参考：《龚声：评官僚资产阶级防疫政策的破产——从“清零”到“躺平”的戏剧性变化》）
外对于很多地方官僚和企业而言，执行极端的防疫政策也有助于他们摄取更多的利润。然而对于广大劳动者而言评论却又完全不同了，他们很多人宁可感染也不愿意停下工作，因为对于劳动者而言，停止工作就意味着失去基本的生存资料来源。于是乎，这一时期中国社会的主要矛盾的具体表现就是“统治阶级强行推行极端防疫政策同广大劳动人民寻求解除相关政策之间的矛盾”。在左派内部，很多平日里空喊革命口号的假左派纷纷支持政府的极端防疫政策。（这其中包括了不少贡派的“同志”）
这些人往往也在乌克兰战争中选择支持俄罗斯“反对美帝国主义的英勇斗争”，更不用说他们对待台湾问题的立场了。当群众在进行英勇斗争反抗反动政策的运动时，他们又污蔑运动是受了美帝国主义的控制，说运动是自由派领导的因此左派应该反对运动。诚然，在很多地方，特别是上海和成都的运动确实受到了自由派的很大影响，但我不认为也不相信中国的自由派有能力组织起如此巨大的全国规模的群众斗争，他们没这个能力！而且即使我们退一步讲，假如运动真的是自由派领导的，我们也绝不该反对群众运动本身，而应该反对自由派对运动的误导才对。在极端的防疫政策下，除了一小撮既得利益者以外，其他人根本没有支持这种反动政策的理由；不错，确实有一些无知的小市民被统治阶级的反动宣传吓破了胆，当真以为新冠病毒是世界上最可怕的存在，因此必须执行极端的防疫政策，但这样如孩童般天真“可爱”的人又有多少呢？在停止工作就吃不上饭的劳动者中这样的人又存在多少呢？在反动政权向人民进攻了三年后这样的蠢货到底有多少呢？自由派的先生们以及某些“同志们”面对这个问题的时候突然就搞不懂数字了。
实际上，大部分人多少都是反感极端防疫政策的，只不过被秩序裹挟，敢怒不敢言罢了。而当极端的防疫政策阻碍到了资产阶级社会的基本生产生活秩序，甚至妨碍到统治阶级中部分集团自己的利益时连他们自己都多少产生了一些“动摇”，不过他们的这种“动摇”面对全中国的整个官僚垄断资本主义秩序是起不了决定性作用的。（例如石家庄就曾在十一月十三号短暂的取消过极端的防疫政策，但仅仅在两天后又恢复了相关政策）真正起了决定性作用的是全国范围内的大规模群众运动。
早在2022年年初，因为河南郑州的银行拒绝储户们的提款要求，导致大量储户破产。那时就已经有大量手无寸铁的群众高举毛主义画像前往郑州去维护自己的权利，结果却在毛主席像下遭到了武装到牙齿的反动警察的殴打与逮捕，随后当局更是采用了向所有存款500,000人民币以上的储户精确发送“黄码”的方式来阻扰群众前往郑州。（健康码有三种颜色，绿色代表正常人员，黄色代表新冠病毒密切接触人士，红色则代表感染者和高度危险人士；被赋黄码和红码的人无法正常出行，甚至在很多地方必须被集中隔离）特色当局的所作所为严重的败坏了自己在群众中的公信力。
随后不久，在十一月份，同样是在郑州，富士康的工人们破坏核酸亭，与当局镇压单位进行冲突，冲向市中心的政府部门……一次简单地经济上的斗争居然能够在中国大陆演变至此，由此可见现代中国工人的斗争性多强，革命潜力有多么巨大。这对于我们中国大陆上的所有左派无疑都是巨大的鼓舞，然而我们马列毛主义者却在这样的运动中“消失不见”，只留下了富士康的工人们独自浴血奋战，正如布站的同志所说“对此我们实在是无比羞愧。”
十一月二十四号，由于反动的防疫政策使消防通道被封锁，导致许多无辜的乌鲁木齐市民被大火活活烧死彻底激化了矛盾，全国各地都被“点燃”了！反对极端防疫政策的白纸运动从南京开始迅速扩展到了全国各地。不久之后，不可一世的特色政权居然妥协了，反动的防疫政策终于彻底破产了！这个时候有的左派又以为极端防疫政策被终结了一切就正常了，就可以接受现状了。他们根本没有认识到反对极端防疫的胜利只不过是解决了一个阶段性的社会矛盾罢了，真正的斗争还在前头。
有些参与过白纸运动的同志总结的好，这个时候我们左派应该采取的态度应该是“承认成果，展望未来”，而绝不应该就此满足，停止斗争。事实果真如此，在今年一月八号的时候因为经济衰退，重庆大渡口的许多工人在没有任何事先通知的时候被企业突然裁员；相关企业不顾工人死活拒绝向工人支付工资，于是一场新的工人斗争又开始了，大渡口的工人聚集了起来，面对众多试图镇压运动的反动警察工人们毫不畏惧，用石头把警察打的溃不成军。然而这个时候我们这些马列毛主义者依旧“消失不见”，希望美国同志们千万不要学习我们。
为什么最近中国的一系列运动是突破性的进展呢？我觉得主要有三点：
第一，工人阶级广泛的参与到了运动之中，并显示出了极强的斗争性。
第二，最近的一系列运动规模是自1989年以来最大的。
第三，这是自从1976年以来，中国人民面对统治阶级的进攻第二次采取大规模反击的策略，并取得了阶段性胜利。（上一次还是90s的农民运动，那次运动也取得了阶段性胜利，废除了农业税，但农民阶级在今天的中国早就不存在了，因此重要性远比不上最近的一系列运动）
作者: 西红柿收割机 时间: 2023-2-2 02:46:00
本帖最后由 西红柿收割机 于 2023-2-2 11:24 编辑
有的中国左派把中国社会主义运动长期得不到发展的原因归结为统治阶级过于强大，进步力量过于弱小；因此他们认为我们现在要做的事情是“等待时机”。不错，革命者也的确会分析敌人有多么强大，我们有多么弱小，但革命者的分析与妥协派有一个本质上的不同：革命者是为了克服困难而分析困难，而妥协派则是为了逃避困难而分析困难。诚然，中国的法西斯专政固然十分强大，因为它毕竟是在颠覆无产阶级专政的基础上建立的资产阶级专政。（在其他国家，当资产阶级认为有必要建立“法西斯政权”的时候，往往都是在面临巨大的统治危机，一般的资产阶级秩序濒于崩溃的时候，往往是到了“不是希特勒，就是台尔曼”的情况下资产阶级才会这么做；而在中国，党内修正主义者从一开始就面临着巨大的压力，因此中国的官僚垄断资产阶级若是想要维持自己的统治，而又不至沦为国际资本的傀儡，那么建立法西斯政权便是其唯一选择。但是，当这套强大的法西斯秩序建立以后，当代的中国官僚却越来越相信他们只要躲在这秩序背后就能解决一切问题，他们长期以来采取一种他们特有的傲慢态度对待群众的诉求与任何不满的声音。在他们看来只要他们开动法西斯国家的暴力机器他们就能镇压一切；在他们看来只要他们开动意识形态国家机器所有人就会相信他们的鬼话；在他们看来他们可以依靠这套老一辈修正主义分子留给他们的法西斯秩序直到永远。在这种情况下，他们无论做什么都自然是会依赖法西斯秩序的，而他们愈是依赖法西斯秩序，就愈是使自己与群众隔绝，就愈是使自己变得无能与无知，而他们的无能又反过来迫使他们越来越只能依靠前人留下来的法西斯秩序才能维护统治。另外由于各地经济发展水平的不同和各个产业情况的不同，统治阶级内部不同利益集团间的矛盾也非常尖锐。这种矛盾在2012年的时候集中爆发过一次，而在刚刚过去不久的中共二十大上则又向全世界暴露了中国统治阶级内部的血腥争斗。无论如何，中国的统治阶级确实是已经“退化”了，相比于当年复辟资本主义的修正主义者们而言，当代的中国统治阶级无论从个人能力上要，还是从整个阶级来看都要显得无能的多，而这正是官僚们过度依赖专政机器而又有意无意的无视社会矛盾的必然结果；同样也是资本主义统治下，各地区各产业发展不平衡在上层建筑中的反映。诚然，以上分析还略显粗糙，但基本的逻辑我觉得应该是阐述清楚了的。出于同样的逻辑，我猜测美国的统治阶级似乎也过于依赖美帝国主义过去建立起来的世界霸权了，而这恐怕是导致他们“退化”的重要原因之一。
既然中国的工人阶级如此具有战斗性，而中国的统治阶级又并非全能的上帝，那么为什么中国的社会主义运动还是长期得不到突破性的进展呢？我认为关键问题还是出在我们马列毛主义者自己身上。如果我们从历史周期的角度观察中国新一轮社会主义革命运动的话我们会发现，目前整个运动还处于非常非常初期的阶段。就像我刚才提到的一样，社会上已经多少出现了新一代的左派和至少是口头上的马列毛主义者，而且自从2020年后，左派的人数是有明显增加的。但我敢打包票的是，目前中国左派中，如果不是几乎全部的话，至少绝大部分所谓的左派和我们这种口头上的马列毛主义者实际上是小资产阶级知识分子，真正有阶级意识的工人少之又少。这么多年来，我们在各种资产阶级绝对控制的网络平台上搞的很多所谓的“宣传工作”基本面向的不是工人群众，而是“左倾小资”，很多时候甚至干脆就是我们在“自娱自乐”罢了。
值得注意的是，我在这里绝不是说因为我们的理论很多来源于马克思和列宁的时代所以我们的宣传手段就一定得照搬报纸和电报；恰恰相反，我们认为现代信息技术如果使用得当的话会是最佳的革命宣传工具和组织工具，这点我马上就要说到。而然战场上最好的武器也终究无法代替指导整场战争的战略思想。我们的问题绝不在于我们使用了现代的科技，而在于我们脱离了现代无产阶级，和工人的生产生活和我们完全处于两个不同的世界。
不错，我们确实也曾参与过工人运动，五年前佳士工人运动我们就深度参与了。但是这场运动为代表的一系列尝试为什么会失败呢？为什么工人会如此反感学生参与呢？这些问题很多人是拒绝回答的，但我觉得确是我们必须要克服的。无论是佳士运动，还是最近的一些列运动都暴露出了社会主义运动与工人运动的脱节。
在佳士运动中，一开始四月份的时候，斗争主力确实是以七名积极分子为代表的工人群体，但很快工人就基本淡出了斗争。到八月份的时候佳士运动就基本上变成了一场漫无目的、带有极强政治表演色彩的左派学生运动。全国各地的左派学生社团和各种左翼非政府组织纷纷起来表示对运动的支持，结果基本向统治阶级暴露了自己的全部力量。有的人甚至提出了明显超出运动当前阶段的政治要求。这就有点像美国1919年钢铁罢工和1920年煤矿罢工的时候，一部分共产党人不顾斗争发展的水平，强行提高运动的水平，硬说什么“工人必须夺取国家政权…以工人阶级的专政来答复资产阶级的专政”。正如福斯特同志所说“这些说法从长远来看，从理论上来讲都无疑是正确的，但工人们却听不进去。”
很显然问题就在于左派自己没有贯彻好群众路线，没有做到“从群众中来，到群众中去。”果不其然，随着后来某些人的叛变投降以及全国范围内的镇压打击，整个佳士运动也就彻底失败了，全国左派有组织的力量也遭到了重创，至今未能恢复，不过这也不一定完全是坏事，毕竟在包括我在内的很多人看来，原先的那些“组织”还是不要恢复的好。
至于以后怎么办，说实话我们确实还不清楚具体的路线，目前也不存在一个广泛接受的说法，因此以下内容仅仅只是我个人以及部分同志的一些初步意见，是真正意义上的“仅供参考”。
正如我们刚才间接提到过的那样，目前中国左派，甚至只是口头上的毛主义者从绝对数量上看都不能算少；从理论水平来看，中国的毛主义者不一定比其他任何国家的同志逊色。因此我们部分人认为（我这里说的是马列毛主义者内部组织联系的事，而不是群众工作），如果能有一个理论水平较高的编辑部负责编写一份以网络为媒介的、能够吸引到工人和进步学生的、能够把马列毛主义和社会现实相结合的通俗杂志以及一个相对较为安全的马列毛主义网络论坛作为交流工具的话，那么也许能起到一定的效果。虽然先前中国也有一些左派杂志，但它的主要内容是国外的各种运动，理论水平也比较欠缺因此很多人仅仅只是知道它的存在而少有稳定的读者。现在我们也有一些论坛，但基本上只有极少数人才关注得到。而贡派的各种各样的平台和所谓的组织则过于形式化并且充满了宗派主义色彩，经常因为一些极为次要的问题就把人打成右派而对于根本的策略问题却极为忽视，更别说那些露骨的假左派平台了。一句话，它们根本承担不起作为路线斗争阵地的作用，而我们确实需要一个属于我们自己的路线斗争阵地
这篇文章写到这里差不多也就该结束了。我们非常乐意听取你们分享经验或给出建议。
最后让我稍微修改一下列宁在《怎么办》中的一句话作为本文的结尾：
“中国无产阶级将要遇到无比严重的考验，将要同凶猛的怪物作斗争，宪制国家中的非常法同这个怪物比较起来，真是小巫见大巫。历史现在向我们提出的当前任务，是比其他任何一个国家的无产阶级的一切当前任务都更革命的任务。实现这个任务，即摧毁这个不仅是东亚的同时也是（我们现在可以这样说）整个东半球的反动势力的最强大的堡垒，就会使中国无产阶级成为国际革命无产阶级的先锋队。而我们有理由指望，只要我们能够用我们的先驱者即上个世纪的革命家那种献身的决心和毅力，来鼓舞我们的比当时更广阔和更深刻千百倍的运动，我们就一定能够获得我们的先驱者在当时已经享有的这个光荣称号。”
作者: 王导 时间: 2023-2-2 02:47:36
本帖最后由 王导 于 2023-2-2 02:52 编辑
讲特色官僚的无能和疫情封锁的终结原因倒是有些价值。前面几段还是老调重弹，还捧阳和平我是没想到的。
作者: 注视者 时间: 2023-2-2 02:50:12
本帖最后由 注视者 于 2023-2-2 02:50 编辑
贡派是指比较保的左派吗？比如乌有这种。
作者: 西红柿收割机 时间: 2023-2-2 02:50:43
王导 发表于 2023-2-2 02:47 
最后几段讲特色官僚的无能和疫情封锁的终结原因倒是有些价值。前面几段还是老调重弹，还捧阳和平我是没想到 ...
这人就是知乎上面的Rick Sanchez，论坛里头收录了几篇他的著作，很有意思，跟个小孩子一样。
作者: 西红柿收割机 时间: 2023-2-2 02:51:46
注视者 发表于 2023-2-2 02:50
贡派是指比较保的左派吗？比如乌有这种。
不大懂，贡派貌似很喜欢说社会主义五十年胜利，资本主义总危机来临之类的话
作者: 西红柿收割机 时间: 2023-2-2 11:32:51
Comrades,
In any case, from New York to Shanghai, from London to Paris, today we can feel that “things are changing”. Although we do not believe the myth of “fifty to one hundred years” that Gonzaloists talks about every day, the darkest nightmare that has lasted for decades may indeed be expected to an end in our generation. Admittedly, the real storm is still some distance away from us, but the dark clouds on the horizon are already dimly visible now. So for any revolutionary youth who wants to embrace the storm, if they cannot have a clear and scientific understanding of their social environment, it will be impossible for them to move forward. However, this issue in front of you has not carried out a detailed and rigorous analysis of Chinese contemporary social reality, and may not even be a very preliminary class analysis. Because when I planned to write this article last November, I was only planned to talk about the current situation of the leftists, especially the MLM, in China. However, the plan can’t keep up with the changes. The various mass movements that have sprung up one after another in recent days have made me derive many things when I really write. Finally, I try to summarize the past experience and lessons in this issue and make an appropriate outlook for the future of our movement.
As we all know, since the failure of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and the end of the socialist China, the revisionists who held the military and political power quickly formed a new Chinese bourgeois class and established a powerful fascist bourgeois dictatorship that made Hitler ashamed on the dead body of the revolution. With the forced compromise of the Shanghai militia (or “surrender”, to put it awkwardly), the revolutionary organisations throughout China also disintegrated rapidly; Under the subsequent fascist tyranny, numerous revolutionaries and classconscious workers were imprisoned, and many of them were directly sent to see Karl Marx.
In the more than 30 years since then, although there has been a strong peasant movement (but it is worth noting that “farmers” as an independent social class has no longer existing in China today, but some of our Gonzaloists “comrades” and reactionary “leftists” of the Red China Network can never get this point) and sporadic worker struggles, there is almost no free Maoist in the land of China; For this period, I can dare to say that even the United States cannot be as dark as China (at least you got RCP). The above mentioned situation did not been changed slightly until 2008. In the first ten years of 21 century, Maoists at least are “existing” in China, because of the release of some old revolutionaries (such as the great Chongqing revolutionary leader Huang Lian 黄廉), the intensification of various contradictions in China, the influence of ICM and the impact of the world financial crisis. However, at that time, when anyone spoke about the leftists in China, people’s first reaction was those hypocritical and ridiculous things like the “Communist” Party of Russia today. It can be seen how bad the situation was at that time. In this stage, an American MLM named Fred Engst (阳和平) gave us great help; His parents came to China to help the CPCh during the New Democratic Revolution. And he himself was the first batch of people to publicise MLM in China in the new century. Until today, he are also personally helping us develop through video conferencing and theoretical writing. And he has played a role of flagman in our recent struggle against Trade Unionists traitors & revisionists represented by 未明子. (That’s very interesting and important for the current line struggle in China, but I cannot talk it here or this issue will be to long) The leftist movement that arose in 2008 did not really end until the failure of the Jiashi movement in 2018. (As for why a series of leftist movements represented by Jiashi Movement failed, we shall discuss later.) In the next year, a series of leftist NGOs and leftist student organisations represented by the Marxist organisation of Peiking
University(they are the writers of the Journey of the Republic) were damaged one after another.
At that time, many of us felt that the rule of the characteristic party was indeed invincible. (Chinese leftists and liberals used to call the Chinese authority “characteristics” for short, and call the current CPCh “characteristics party”)
At the beginning of the COVID-19, the authority quickly exposed their incompetence (for example, the governor of Hubei Province mistook the most basic and important data such as “the number of infected people”, “the number of masks” and “the number of medical staff” for several times when making public reports); The first reaction of the ruling class in the face of this sudden public health crisis is not how to solve the problem, but how to solve the people who put forward the problem; In fact, at the beginning of the outbreak of the epidemic, several doctors in Wuhan has warned that a new virus was spreading, but the ruling class actually arrested them in the name of disturbing public order!!! Even when everyone knows that the virus has outbroken, they are still not released. This kind of thing has happened again and again and will keep repeating later. We all know that the authority t still adhered to the most extreme and increasingly strengthened fascist closure policy until last October, but at the beginning of December, due to the deterioration of local finance, the contraction of the real estate market and the most important, a series of heroic mass struggles, the fascist epidemic prevention policy was declared completely bankrupt, which forced the authority to abandon the previous policy; However, the responding of the authority to the voice of the masses is suddenly cancelling all epidemic prevention policies in a completely irresponsible way, and because the policies of canceling epidemic prevention in all parts of the country were very chaotic and unregulated (for example, until the end of December, the family residential area of a famous secondary school in Beijing remained closure policy even though it had been abolished all over the country, and it was not unsealed until the residents do it by themselves; similar things are countless in whole China), As a result, more than one billion people in China have been infected and countless poor people and old people have died. I myself have also experienced it. Of course, for the Chinese ruling class, labouring people are not human beings at all, and they are at best “multifunctional humanoid tools”, so they can naturally claim that Chinese epidemic prevention policy is the most successful in the world. (I think the ruling class of the United States should also be experts in this field.)
The intensification of social conflicts caused by the extreme epidemic closure policy has a development process. When the epidemic just broke out in 2019, almost everyone believed that we were faced with a very serious virus. Therefore, the epidemic prevention policies such as city closure, whereabouts reporting and endless nucleic acid detections in the early period were acceptable to most people; In a sense, the epidemic prevention policy at that time was basically a
technical issue, but this has been changed greatly by the end of 2021. When people found that only students in universities must strictly implement the so-called epidemic closure policy, and other personnel, including tourists, can enter and leave freely, people felt puzzled; When people found that the government could paralyse an international metropolis with a population of ten million at any time, people felt helpless ; When people found that anyone could violate other people’s basic human rights(even from the perspective of the liberals understanding of human rights) as long as they wore the white uniform of the epidemic prevention personnel, people felt angry; When people found that the government could ignore the life and death of the people because of the so-called “epidemic prevention policy”, the people chose to rise up against it.
Of course, although even the most backward people found that the so-called epidemic prevention policy was at least unreasonable at that time, some “great revolutionary teachers” (including many “principally Maoists”) did not think so. At that time, we often heard some hypocritical “leftists” say that “the closure policy of the Chinese authority is superior to the policies of Europe and the US and it is responsible for the people, and thus demonstrate that there are still some “socialist factors” in China at present. Their statement can only reflect their ignorance. And we don’t even need to respond to them now, because the people have responded to them with practical actions. Of course, the line struggle between we MLM and them goes beyond that. We often break out fierce conflicts with them on the following issues, such as:
“Is China an imperialist country?” (But now some people even dare to openly distort the nature of imperialism, and talk about that even some “second-level imperialist countries” can also have the so-called “progressive nationalism” requirements)
“Is the strategy of PPW applicable to CONTEMPORARY China?”
“Taiwan issue and ethnic minority issue” (limited by the objective environment, these two issues are rarely discussed even within us, but it can be predicted that when these two issues really become urgent practical issues, there will be many “leftists” who will still be “patriots”)
The issue of women’s rights (this issue has basically been distorted in China, but it is different from the way of the “political correctness” of America, but it needs another issue to analyse this topic)
Of course, there is also the issue of the current Russian-Ukrainian war, on which I think you have analysed very well.
In fact, the previous extreme closure policy of China and the losses policy of the US and Europe, though they seem different, are essentially different ways of ensuring the maximisation of the interests of the bourgeoisie. These ways can even be converted to each other when necessary, and this conversion has indeed occurred in China. The reason why the Chinese ruling class could take the extreme epidemic prevention policy(I shall use “EEPP” as abbr below) is mainly because of the following two points: Firstly, the Chinese ruling class get the state power by subverting the dictatorship of the proletariat. In order to restore capitalism in a revolutionary country, they had to adopt the most extreme and reactionary form of bourgeois dictatorship from the very beginning, that is, fascist dictatorship; Therefore, China’s bureaucrat monopoly bourgeoisie enjoys almost all power alone, controls the strong organisational capacity left by the socialist China, the national medical and health resources, and has the world’s first industrial capacity, so they can just do it. Secondly, China is different from countries with hollow industries such as the United States and the United Kingdom. (Reference website: 龚声：评官僚资产阶级防疫政策的破产——从“清零”到“躺平”的戏剧性变化 1)
China is a country highly dependent on manufacturing, so its ruling class is willing to control the epidemic in a short time through extreme epidemic prevention policies, so as to make everything “back to normal”. In addition, for many local bureaucrats and enterprises, implementing extreme epidemic prevention policies will also help them to absorb more profits. However, for the majority of workers, the comments are completely different. Many of them would rather be infected than stop working, because for workers, stopping working means losing the basic source of survival. Thus, the main contradiction in Chinese society during that period was “the contradiction between the ruling class’s forced implementation of the EEPP and the majority of the labouring people’s seeking to remove the relevant policies”. Within the leftists, many fake leftists who shout revolutionary slogans on normal days support the EEPP of the authority. (This includes many Gonzaloist “comrades”.) These people often chose to support Putin’s “heroic struggle against the US imperialism” in the current war, let alone their position on the Taiwan issue. When the masses are fighting bravely against the reactionary policy, they also slander that the movement is under the control of the US imperialism, saying that the movement is led by liberals, so the left should oppose the movement. Admittedly, the movements in many places, especially in Shanghai and Chengdu, have been greatly influenced by the liberals, but I do not think and do not believe that the liberals in China have the ability to organise such a huge nationwide mass struggle. They have no such ability! And even if we step back, if the movement is really led by liberals, we should never oppose the mass movement itself, but should oppose the misleading of the liberals. Under the EEPP, except for a small number of vested interests, there is no reason for others to support this reactionary policy; There are indeed some ignorant citizens who are frightened by the reactionary propaganda of the ruling class. They really think that COVID-19 is the most terrible existence in the world, so they must implement extreme epidemic prevention policies. But what is the number of those naive and “cute” people who are just like a little baby? How many such people are there among the workers who even cannot get basic survival means when they stop working? How many such fools are there after the reactionary authority attacked the people for more than three years? Liberal gentlemen and some “comrades” suddenly lost their senses of numbers when facing those problems. In fact, most people are more or less disgusted with the EEPP. We are just intimidated by the order and dare not speak up. When the EEPP impeded the basic order of production and even the life of the bourgeois society, and even hindered the interests of some blocs of the ruling class, they even produced some “vacillations”, but their “vacillations” could not play a decisive role in the face of the entire bureaucratic bourgeois order of China. (Shijiazhuang, for example, briefly cancelled the EEPP on 13th November, but resumed the previous policy only two days later.) What really played a decisive role was the nationwide mass movement. As early as the beginning of 2022, a large number of depositors went bankrupt because the bank in Zhengzhou, Henan Province, refused to withdraw funds from depositors. At that time, a large number of defenceless people went to Zhengzhou to defend their rights by holding up the portrait of Mao Tse-Tung, but were beaten and arrested by the reactionary policemen who are well equipped just under the portrait of Chairman Mao. Then the authority used the method of accurately sending “yellow code” to all depositors with deposits of more than 500,000 RMB to prevent them from going to Zhengzhou. (The health code has three colors, green represents normal people, yellow represents close contacts with COVID-19, and red represents infected people and highly dangerous people; people with yellow and red codes cannot travel normally, and even have to be isolated in given places) The actions of the authority have seriously undermined their credibility among the masses. Shortly afterwards, in November, also in Zhengzhou, Foxconn workers destroyed the nucleic acid pavilion, clashed with the policemen who are sent to suppress the workers and rushed to the government department in the center of the city… A simple economic struggle was able to reach such height here in China, which shows how strong the militancy of modern Chinese working class is and how strong the revolutionary potential they have. This is undoubtedly a great inspiration for all the leftists in China. However, we self-called MLM “disappeared” in such movements, leaving only Foxconn workers to fight alone. We are extremely ashamed of this. On 24th November, because of the reactionary epidemic prevention policy, the fire passage was blocked, resulting in many innocent Wulumuqi citizens being burned alive by the fire, which completely intensified the contradiction, and all parts of the country “Rose up to fight”! The blank paper movement against the EEPP has rapidly expanded from Nanjing to all parts of the country. Soon after, the powerful authority actually compromised, and the EEPP finally went bankrupt! At this time, some leftists thought that everything would be fine if the EEPP was ended, and they could accept the status quo. They did not realise that the victory against EEPP was only a solution to a phased social contradiction, and the real struggle was still ahead. Some comrades who have participated in the blank paper movement have summed up well. At this time, the attitude we should take on the left should be “Recognising the achievements and looking forward to the future”, and we should never be satisfied with status quo and stop fighting. Indeed, on 8th January 2023, many workers in Dadukou, Chongqing, were suddenly laid off without any prior notice because of the economic recession; The relevant enterprises refused to pay wages to the workers regardless of their live or death, so a new labour struggle began again. The workers in Dadukou gathered and faced many reactionary policemen without fear, and
beat the police to rout with stones. However, at this time, we self-called MLM are still “disappearing”. I hope our American comrades will never be like us.
Why we regard the recent series of movements in China as a great breakthrough? I reckon there are three main points. Firstly, the working class has widely participated in the movements and has shown a strong militancy. Secondly, the scale of the recent series of sports is the largest and widest since 1989. Thirdly, this is the second time since 1976 that the Chinese people have adopted a large-scale counterattack strategy in the face of the attack of the ruling class, and have achieved a staged victory. (The last time was the 1990s peasant movements, which also achieved a staged victory and abolished the agricultural tax, but the peasantry class has long ceased to exist in contemporary China, so it is far less important than the recent series of movements)
作者: 西红柿收割机 时间: 2023-2-2 11:34:55
Some Chinese leftists attribute the reason why the Chinese socialist movement has not developed for a long time to the fact that the ruling class is too strong and the progressive force is too weak; So they think that we should do nothing now but wait for the “opportunities”. It is true that revolutionaries will also analyse how strong the enemy is and how weak we are, but the analysis of revolutionaries is fundamentally different from that of the compromisers: revolutionaries analyse the difficulties in order to overcome them, while the compromisers analyse the difficulties in order to escape from them. It is true that Chinese fascist dictatorship is very powerful, because it is, after all, a bourgeois dictatorship established on the basis of subverting the dictatorship of the proletariat. (In other countries, when the bourgeoisie considers it necessary to establish a “fascist regime”, it is often in the face of a huge ruling crisis. When the general bourgeois order is on the verge of collapse, it is often facing an “either Hitler or Thäilmann” question and in this case the bourgeois have no choice but establish the fascist regime; In China, the revisionists within the Party have been under great pressure from the very beginning. Therefore, if China’s bureaucratic monopoly bourgeoisie wants to maintain its own rule without becoming compradors, then the establishment of a fascist regime is its only choice. However, after the establishment of this powerful fascist order, contemporary Chinese bureaucrats increasingly believe that they can solve all problems as long as they hide behind this order. They have long adopted a unique arrogant attitude towards the demands of the masses and any voice of dissatisfaction. In their view, as long as they start the violence state apparatuses, they can suppress everything; In their view, as long as they start the ideological state apparatuses, everyone would believe in their nonsense; In their view, they can rely on the fascist order left to them by their predecessors until forever. In this case, whatever they do, they will naturally rely on the fascist order, and the more they rely on it, the more they isolate themselves from the reality, the more they become incompetent and ignorant, and their incompetence in turn forces them to rely more and more on the fascist order left by their predecessors to maintain their rule. In addition, due to the different levels of economic development and different industrial conditions, the contradictions between different interest blocs within the ruling class are also very acute. This kind of contradiction broke out once in 2012, and at the recent 20th National Congress of the CPCh, it has exposed the bloody struggle within the ruling class of China to the whole world. In any case, Chinese ruling class has indeed “degenerated”. Compared with the revisionists who restored capitalism in China, the contemporary Chinese ruling class is much more incompetent both in terms of personal ability and in terms of the whole class, which is the inevitable result of excessive reliance of bureaucrats on the dictatorship machine and their intentional or unintentional disregard of social contradictions; It is also a reflection of the unbalanced development of economy in various regions in the superstructure under the rule of bourgeoisie. Admittedly, the above analysis is still slightly rough, but I think the basic logic should has been clarified. Based on the same logic, I guess that the ruling class of the US also seems to be too dependent on the world hegemony established by their predecessors, which may be one of the important reasons for their “degeneration”.
Since Chinese working class is so militant, and China’s ruling class is not the all-powerful God, why has Chinese socialist movement not made breakthrough progress for a long time? I think the key problem still lies in our MLM. If we observe the new round of socialist revolutionary movement in China from the perspective of historical cycle, we will find that the whole movement is still at a very very early stage. As I mentioned just now, a new generation of leftists and at least self-called MLM have appeared in the society, and the number of leftists has increased significantly since 2020. But I’m sure that at present, if not all of Chinese leftists, at least the vast majority of the so-called leftists and our self-called MLM are actually pettybourgeoisie intellectuals, and very few workers have class-consciousness. Over the years, many of the so-called “propaganda work” we have done on various network platforms under the absolute control of the bourgeoisie is not aimed at the workers, but at the “left-leaning pettybourgeoisie”. In many cases, we are simply “entertaining ourselves”. It is worth noting that I am not saying here that because many of our theories originated from the era of Marx and Lenin, so our propaganda means must copy newspapers and telegrams; On the contrary, we believe that modern information technology, if properly used, will be the best revolutionary propaganda tool and organisational tool, which I shall talk about shortly. However, the best weapons on the battlefield can not replace the strategic idea guiding the whole war after all. Our problem is not that we are using modern technology, but that we are separated from the modern workers, and the production and life of them. Of course, we did participate in the workers’ movement. We participated in the Jiashi movement five years ago. But why did a series of attempts represented by this movement failed? Why do workers dislike student participation so much? Many people refuse to answer these questions, but I think we must overcome them. Both the Jiashi movement and some recent movements have exposed the disjunction between the socialist movement and the workers’ movement. In the Jiashi movement, at the beginning of April, the main force of the struggle was indeed a group of workers represented by seven activists, but soon the workers basically faded out of the struggle. By August, the movement has basically become an aimless leftist student movement with strong political performance. Left-wing student associations and various left-wing NGOs all over the country have risen up to express their support for the movement, which basically exposed our full strength to the ruling class. Some people even put forward political demands that are obviously beyond the current stage of the movement. This is a bit like when the steel strike in 1919 and the coal strike in 1920 in the United States outbroke, some Communists(If my memory is not wrong, it’s from the manifesto of one of the CPUSA), regardless of the level of the development of the struggle, so the level of the movement was forcibly raised by them and they even insisted that “workers must seize the state power…to reply to the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie with the dictatorship of the working class”. As Comrade Foster said, “In the long run, these statements are undoubtedly correct in theory, but the workers cannot listen to them.” It is obvious that the problem lies in the fact that we has not implemented the mass line well and has not “from the masses to the masses.” And so, with the later defection and surrender of some people (particularly a big traitor who are called “贺鹏超”) and the nationwide crackdown, the whole Jiashi movement has also completely failed, The organised power of the leftists across the country has also been severely damaged and has not yet recovered. However, this is not completely a bad thing. After all, many people, including me, think that the previous “organisations” should not be recovered.
As for what to do in the future, to be honest, we really don’t know the specific route(here I am not talking about the Bolshevik method & PPW), and there is no generally accepted view about this point at present. Therefore, the following contents are only some preliminary opinions of some comrades and I myself, and are really “For reference only”.
As we have just mentioned indirectly above, at present, we Chinese leftists, even the self-called MLM, cannot be counted as few in terms of absolute number. From the theoretical level, I believe that we Chinese MLM can compare with any other foreign comrades. Therefore, some of us including myself believe that if an editorial branch with a certain theoretical level can be responsible for preparing a popular magazine that can attract workers and progressive students, combine MLM with social reality, and a relatively safe MLM network platform or wordpress as one of the communication tool, it may have a certain effect. It is worth noting that I am not talking about mass work here, but about building a MLM route front. Although there were some leftist magazines in China like IRN, its main content was various foreign movements, and its theoretical level was relatively poor, which can compare with Gonzaloists only. Therefore, many people only knew its existence but hardly read it. Now we also have some platforms, but basically only a few people pay attention to them. While, the various platforms and so-called organisations of the Gonzaloists are too formalism and full of sectarianism, and I’m afraid they can only shout slogans and prepare for the PPW forever. They often turn others into rightists just because of some extremely minor issues, but ignore the fundamental strategic issues; Let alone the exposed fake leftist platforms(particularly the red china net 红中网). In a word, they can’t bear the role of the route front at all, and we really need a route of our own.
This issue is almost over here. And we are very happy to listen to your sharing of experience or any suggestions. Finally, let me revise a sentence from Lenin’s masterwork What is to be done? as the end of this issue:
“The Chinese proletariat will have to undergo trials immeasurably graver; it will have to fight a monster compared with which an antisocialist law in a constitutional country seems but a dwarf. History has now confronted us with an immediate task which is the most revolutionary of all the immediate tasks confronting the proletariat of any country. The fulfilment of this task, the destruction of the most powerful bulwark, not only of East Asia, but (it may now be said) of Eastern hemisphere, would make the Chinese proletariat the vanguard of the international revolutionary proletariat. And we have the right to count upon acquiring this honourable title, already earned by our predecessors, the revolutionaries of the last century, if we succeed in inspiring our movement, which is a thousand times broader and deeper, with the same devoted determination and vigour.”
作者: 西红柿收割机 时间: 2023-2-2 11:39:10
有意思的是，在这封中国学院派回复美国毛派的信中，中文版本里只cue了红中网一次，在英文版本中直接管红中网叫反动派、假左派。
作者: 远航一号 时间: 2023-2-2 12:25:59
西红柿收割机 发表于 2023-2-2 11:39
有意思的是，在这封中国学院派回复美国毛派的信中，中文版本里只cue了红中网一次，在英文版本中直接管红中 ...
注意到了
作者: 小王向前冲 时间: 2023-2-2 13:49:39
要光明正大，不要搞阴谋诡计。断言佳士主要是左派学生组织与其他左翼组织的运动，与激流、阳和平等人无关，是自我毁灭，我不理解。断言未明子是修正主义叛徒，我不赞成。未明子的推广形式已经是比较好的，却要打成黑的、反动的、修正的，转头说需要杂志，需要安全的论坛，陈独秀行为。
作者: PalmFujimori 时间: 2023-2-2 13:51:00
小王向前冲 发表于 2023-2-2 13:49
要光明正大，不要搞阴谋诡计。断言佳士主要是左派学生组织与其他左翼组织的运动，与激流、阳和平等人无关， ...
一个实践的改良主义者比一个沉迷于“打嘴炮”“理论派系斗争”的人要好一些…
作者: 张惟为 时间: 2023-2-2 14:12:15
PalmFujimori 发表于 2023-2-2 13:51
一个实践的改良主义者比一个沉迷于“打嘴炮”“理论派系斗争”的人要好一些… ...
你这个就是典型的未小将了。未小将的口头禅就是“至少他做事了”。
要认识到未明子的路线不是改良主义，你们都低估了它背后的潜能。如果只是改良主义，那么根本就没必要关注。
作者: 张惟为 时间: 2023-2-2 14:17:29
西红柿收割机 发表于 2023-2-2 02:46
有的中国左派把中国社会主义运动长期得不到发展的原因归结为统治阶级过于强大，进步力量过于弱小；因此他们 ...
西红柿收割机评价中帝论：把赛里斯描述成强大的帝国主义，所以害怕得瑟瑟发抖。
中帝论者原文：
有的中国左派把中国社会主义运动长期得不到发展的原因归结为统治阶级过于强大，进步力量过于弱小；因此他们认为我们现在要做的事情是“等待时机”。不错，革命者也的确会分析敌人有多么强大，我们有多么弱小，但革命者的分析与妥协派有一个本质上的不同：革命者是为了克服困难而分析困难，而妥协派则是为了逃避困难而分析困难。
我早就说过了，半外围论 vs 中帝论从来都是宗派主义无效对话。如果中帝论者因为赛里斯强大得很可怕，那么中帝论者才会是真正的躺平派。但情况恰恰相反，红中网批评中帝论者冒进、脱离群众，红中网主张躺平。你们互相的逻辑根本就对不上。
作者: 西红柿收割机 时间: 2023-2-2 14:59:25
张惟为 发表于 2023-2-2 14:17
西红柿收割机评价中帝论：把赛里斯描述成强大的帝国主义，所以害怕得瑟瑟发抖。
中帝论者原文：
我们去年跟这家伙打了好几篇文章的笔仗，你可以去看看这家伙的观点变化，他一开始还是坚信中国资产阶级获得了大量海外利润的，到后面我们反复强调了中国资产阶级的虚弱本质，他的观点才发生了改变。
作者: PalmFujimori 时间: 2023-2-2 15:04:58
张惟为 发表于 2023-2-2 14:12
你这个就是典型的未小将了。未小将的口头禅就是“至少他做事了”。
要认识到未明子的路线不是改良主义， ...
难道未明子上达天听，是当局“下大棋”在左派里面“掺沙子”的工具人？
我之前也说过，我预计的就是类似于自立军起义与容闳转向的发展趋势，即便当局觉得有必要搞一个改良示范，他们最后大概率也会是勾结国际资本自打嘴巴…
作者: 具装骑兵 时间: 2023-2-2 15:11:04
张惟为 发表于 2023-2-2 14:12
你这个就是典型的未小将了。未小将的口头禅就是“至少他做事了”。
要认识到未明子的路线不是改良主义， ...
人家是未小将，你一边碰瓷未一边给学院派站台
作者: 造反法利赛 时间: 2023-2-2 15:11:44
本帖最后由 造反法利赛 于 2023-2-3 21:51 编辑
费拉不堪到连白纸运动就让他们这么如获至宝，须知法西斯运动也是群众运动难道他们也能支持？是真不挑啊。
在我看来，白纸运动就是城市小资主导和参与的法西斯运动。这由清零末期甚嚣尘上的对所谓“老孩侠”的嘲讽与不负责任的“感冒论”可以清晰见到。而在愈演愈烈的对一切核酸、大白、方舱等防疫措施的抹黑攻势下，连锦州言辞恳切的“能清零而不清零，实在太可惜了”都不能容许的反攻倒算中，自由派和这些附和的“左派”有何脸面指责放开的“突然”？前些天赣州有个地区想做个核酸统计感染率又被骂上微博热搜榜一，比起这些反智舆论，锦州领导在开放第二天去视察火葬场建设还真是更为当地人民负责。
最重要的是，病毒传播的速度终归是以病毒特性、医药卫生条件与中国人群居住密度与流动速度的客观状况为基础的，也是开放前被他们嘲讽为老孩侠的“清零派”提醒无数遍的，全然归功于特色的不负责任，这难道不才是最幼稚的唯意志主义？
我不想为特色在开放前的准备不充分辩护，人尽皆知也不缺我说。只想说如今“至于你信不信反正我是信了”的官方数据出来，一个月时间新冠死亡光是在院就六万多，即便做好了完全准备减少到这个数据的一半，这些左派能挺着胸脯说自己当初参与白纸运动的时候就做好了牺牲这三万人的准备吗？以为不做事不负任何责任就可以永远挟“纯洁的最好结果”攻击任何人，这也是为什么未明子批评他们自己什么都不是，只是用当局的邪恶白嫖一个道德高地，等待在乱局中投机变现为真正的权力。
作者: 西红柿收割机 时间: 2023-2-2 15:16:08
造反法利赛 发表于 2023-2-2 15:11
费拉不堪到连主要由白纸运动就让他们这么如获至宝，须知法西斯运动也是群众运动难道他们也能支持？是真不挑 ...
学院派就是这样吃老百姓的人血馒头，清零的时候骂清零，放开的时候骂放开，总之他们永远正确，永远第一觉悟，老百姓不信他们的话，老百姓就会被打成落后群众，或者什么清妖。
作者: 张惟为 时间: 2023-2-2 15:41:01
PalmFujimori 发表于 2023-2-2 15:04
难道未明子上达天听，是当局“下大棋”在左派里面“掺沙子”的工具人？我之前也说过，我预计的就是类似 ...
1、唯实践论是错误的，并不是说嘴仗大于实践，而是说 嘴仗 vs 实践这种对立本身就是错的。任何实践都带有理论性质，都蕴含有政治的要素，理论与实践从来都是不可分割的。
2、未小将从唯实践论的角度支持未明子，实际上就是承认未明子在理论上是保皇，在实践上是道德模范。你要是私下里这样夸赞未明子，那未明子能被你气炸。
3、未明子的实践不是改良。一群工人定期聚在一起，还要搞什么工人文化，你说这是改良？他这个活动如果能按照预期继续搞下去，那么肯定是要冒着杀头的风险的。杀头风险并不是说一定会失败，而是说有害于当局。
作者: 张惟为 时间: 2023-2-2 15:44:52
具装骑兵 发表于 2023-2-2 15:11
人家是未小将，你一边碰瓷未一边给学院派站台
1、把支持未明子路线的都打成未小将，你这是知乎网友的套路；
2、未小将突出一个“小”字，意思是说啥啥都看不懂，却喜欢咋咋呼呼，比如说你。
3、能够杂合1和2，说明你不是未小将，那就是红中小将。所以不要再和我说话了，我真的很烦你唉。
作者: 具装骑兵 时间: 2023-2-2 15:53:56
张惟为 发表于 2023-2-2 15:44
1、把支持未明子路线的都打成未小将，你这是知乎网友的套路；
2、未小将突出一个“小”字，意思是说啥啥 ...
我好像总共也没跟你说过几句话，只是指出你躲在未的言论后面狐假虎威夹带私货而已，逼乎我不逛，也看不上，“看不懂”也是你胡诌的，别整网络算命那一套
作者: 具装骑兵 时间: 2023-2-2 15:58:07
张惟为 发表于 2023-2-2 15:44
1、把支持未明子路线的都打成未小将，你这是知乎网友的套路；
2、未小将突出一个“小”字，意思是说啥啥 ...
我倒不烦你，你的套路大概是绑架完未的观点又被打脸之后，销声匿迹一段时间，过一阵子又上赶着当论坛坛宠
作者: PalmFujimori 时间: 2023-2-2 16:16:38
张惟为 发表于 2023-2-2 15:41
1、唯实践论是错误的，并不是说嘴仗大于实践，而是说 嘴仗 vs 实践这种对立本身就是错的。任何实践都带有 ...
看来有必要声明一下，我不是未明子路线的支持者，我是觉得未明子的出现是革命形势发展下的一个有趣的现象…
作者: 具装骑兵 时间: 2023-2-2 16:22:14
豆奶哥这贴标签手法也够随意的，想一出是一出
作者: 报与桃花一处开 时间: 2023-2-2 16:27:51
PalmFujimori 发表于 2023-2-2 16:16
看来有必要声明一下，我不是未明子路线的支持者，我是觉得未明子的出现是革命形势发展下的一个有趣的现象 ...
他的实践也是很有趣的补充内容。不知道下一个巴黎公社式的运动会是什么样子，会有什么影响，左翼观察者评论员能得到什么样的经验教训。
作者: 张惟为 时间: 2023-2-2 16:44:50
本帖最后由 张惟为 于 2023-2-2 17:25 编辑
具装骑兵 发表于 2023-2-2 15:53
我好像总共也没跟你说过几句话，只是指出你躲在未的言论后面狐假虎威夹带私货而已，逼乎我不逛，也看不上 ...
1、未明子是你爹么？你把他当作老虎来敬畏？你这不就是未小将么？
2、以往我对红中的批评包括以下方面：
（1）哲学上前康德。未明子很多视频都能说清楚这回事，当然可以引用。除了引用未明子的视频外，我还搬运过斯退士《黑格尔哲学》的导论部分若干篇文章，这些都是极其简单的入门介绍，但可以帮助人们摆脱前康德。还引用过b站其他up主的视频，也是为了更简单的说明问题。这些up主是不是也是大老虎，帮我这个狐狸撑场面？
说实话，未明子只有部分视频是适合入门的，大部分其他视频，对于没有基础的人，没有自己看书的人来说，是根本不可能看懂的。所以才会有所谓“未小将” —— 虽然看不懂未明子在讲啥，但不明觉厉，像拥护大老虎一样无条件拥护之。我记得你批评过我乱给人扣“前康德”帽子，是未小将行为，但教科书马列就是前康德的，前康德也不是什么骂人的话（未明子说这个词的语气暗示人们前康德等于低智商），没学过、没想过的人自然就是前康德。了解下康德哲学的梗概也就顶多一个小时的事，我真是不知道你脑子里在想什么，“前康德”的帽子都是骂人的话，都是攻击红中网，惹得您老大爷不高兴？你明明 1+1 都算成 3了，还不让人指出来？这不是宗派主义是什么？当然也不排除你们是真的看不懂，那就没什么好说的了，没有能力谈这个问题，就不要参与。
（2）实践路线上躺平。用围棋做比喻，你们口中的学院派就相当于上来就点天元，奔着草肚皮去围空。而红中网就相当于等着对方下完全盘，甚至自己填自己的眼导致自己的棋被自己杀死，然后才下场收拾残局。你们口中的学院派当然是比躺平派更进步。因为碰壁后总有人能吸取教训，但不做为的人永远不会进步。
（3）所幻想的实践是经济主义的。这主要针对君行早。经济主义和经济工作是两回事，经济主义是一种政治倾向，会认为当年红军能打赢是因为待遇更好，这完全无视了政治组织模式的重要性。这就是商品拜物教的延续，认为群众基础是靠钱收买来的。用拉康的理论来看，经济工作是实在界的，经济主义是符号界的，用经济主义来支配经济工作是完全错误的、反马列的。但红中网的人太笨了，一旦反对经济主义，就会被认为是反对经济工作，就会被打成所谓激进的学院派。
（4）红中网、激流网、部分知乎网友对未明子路线的否定（不是反对，而是不看好），就是源自于无法区分经济主义和经济工作。未明子做的是经济工作，不代表就是经济主义。他这个路线如果能按照预期发展下去，背后的政治的锋芒就会展露出来。未明子和你们口中学院派的区别就是你们口中的学院派下棋下的都是恶手，未明子这是从厚势变实利的妙手，两者无非是聪明与否、智商高低的区别。但红中网的躺平，是因为李民骐太迷信利润率下降这回事了，他自己的书里面也总讲这个东西。下降了又能怎么样呢？无组织的无产阶级从来都是最弱小的，经济总崩溃那一天，单个的无组织的无产阶级所面对的只有死。必须要把无产阶级组织起来，你们口中的学院派走的路线也是把无产阶级组织起来，但太笨了，第一手天元就是恶手。在公开的平台中，除了未明子之外，没有其他的更聪明的路线被展示出来，所以这也不是唯未明子正确，这是比较而言的。
（5）红中网反对先锋队理论反魔怔了，更接近无政府主义。自发性这事撕了好几回了，不再多言。你不能因为未明子也反对自发性，就认为我是藏在未明子后面狐假虎威吧？
（6）半外围论 vs 中帝论很大程度上就是宗派主义撕逼，首先卡在名词定义上争论个半天（未明子也犯这个毛病）。比如能支持以国家为单位的剥削的理论只有伊曼纽尔的不平等交换，但红中网懂这个的人没几个。除了远航一号和马列托谈过这个理论外，没看到其他人提过。既然你不懂不平等交换是咋回事，那你跟着撕逼，撕个什么劲呢？
（7）民族主义残余。支持俄罗斯无所谓，没人关心这个无聊的问题。但支持俄罗斯人民“爱国”，那这就是典型的民族主义思维了吧？这是早先和红中网撕逼的事情了。
中帝论对半外围论的批评就是会倒向民族国家主义，会和小粉红合流。红中网一再声称自己不是民族国家主义，但在俄罗斯的问题上，话里话外残余着民族主义倾向。
3、红中网确实是最菜的（可能源自于这个论坛根本就没什么人，知乎上聪明人都更多一些），而且还喜欢精神胜利法，动不动就单方面宣扬自己胜利了。总是能让人感到无语得很。谁话多谁胜利，这不就是宗派主义打嘴仗么？
作者: Surdéterminism 时间: 2023-2-2 17:07:08
本帖最后由 Surdéterminism 于 2023-2-2 17:11 编辑
这也能告洋状，哈哈哈。我最喜欢看他们绞尽脑汁暗搓搓地塞几个字私货的样子了。
作者: 君行早 时间: 2023-2-2 17:25:09
会认为当年红军能打赢是因为待遇更好，这完全无视了政治组织模式的重要性。这就是商品拜物教的延续，认为群众基础是靠钱收买来的。
6，合着如果不能给群众带来切身利益、不能代表群众的利益和意愿共产党能有群众基础？你以为群众都是傻子么？没有一定的物质基础谁会跟你走？
既然互相都觉得对方说的狗屁不通，要不你就去实践一下，在不给群众带来利益的情况下尝试说服对方？你看人家鸟不鸟你
另外你这个说法完全就是搞笑了
按照什么预期发展？发展到什么样的程度？能发展到那个程度么？你以为这是在过家家呢你想怎样就怎样？
再说了，大家对他工作的不看好是因为从经济上分析不可持续以及不可复制性，又在这偷换概念？
顺便，好好学点经济学和历史吧
作者: 张惟为 时间: 2023-2-2 17:31:37
本帖最后由 张惟为 于 2023-2-2 17:38 编辑
君行早 发表于 2023-2-2 17:25
6，合着如果不能给群众带来切身利益、不能代表群众的利益和意愿共产党能有群众基础？你以为群众都是傻子么 ...
你真的能区分经济主义和经济工作么？这玩意你要是真不懂的话，那我是没办法让你明白了，不要再跟我犟了。我想起来了，你还区分不了科学主义和科学，在科学主义的问题上撕来撕去的。
我这么说吧，你所批评的你先锋队群友，或者说你们所谓的“学院派”，也只是在经济工作上有所不足。你尽可能批评其经济工作的各种不足，或者批评压根没有经济工作。但你不能把楼歪到经济主义那边去。任何经济工作都是受政治理念的支配的，经济主义就是支配经济工作的一种政治理念，是完全错误的。
邓小平的以经济建设为中心，就是经济主义。毛主席的政治挂帅并没有耽误经济工作。懂了么？
作者: 激活 时间: 2023-2-2 17:41:03
我倒是觉得红中网和学院派们最根本的矛盾就是“中帝论” 你是否认同“中帝论”这一点，就会让你对很多事情得出不同的结果，就像俄乌一样，中帝者秉承的就是双方都是帝国主义，所以两方都应该不支持，要支持本国的无产阶级发动革命，而且对于未来工农政府可能存在的方式，双方也有不同看法。
中帝者的出发都是，中美日后必有一战，战后我们该如何如何规划，或者说中帝者现在做的所有事情都是围绕着未来有一战之后该怎么样，最典型的就是“先锋队”了，他们的“先锋队”则是解决这些所有问题的法宝。
所以红中网和现在的学院派们最根本的分歧点就在于“中帝”其他所有问题的分歧都只是中帝的延伸
中国是不是帝国主义国家，决定了中国是否存在改良空间，是否存在革命潜能，是否存在不以各路左右拍意志为转移的革命条件。这就是这个问题的实践意义。
这个问题非常重要，根本不是某些网友所想的是“宗派主义之间的争吵” 除非他能再给出中国未来可能的革命道路，不然就是翼雁丁真，鉴定为：春春的飞舞
作者: 张惟为 时间: 2023-2-2 17:42:20 标题: RE: 中国学院派写给美国毛派的一封信，信中点名红中网
西红柿收割机 发表于 2023-2-2 14:59
我们去年跟这家伙打了好几篇文章的笔仗，你可以去看看这家伙的观点变化，他一开始还是坚信中国资产阶级获 ...
你仔细读，他的观点并没有发生变化，他认为中国在走向法西斯，并且正因为如此，才要坚决与其斗争。也就是对方越强越要斗。
有的中国左派把中国社会主义运动长期得不到发展的原因归结为统治阶级过于强大，进步力量过于弱小；因此他们认为我们现在要做的事情是“等待时机”。不错，革命者也的确会分析敌人有多么强大，我们有多么弱小，但革命者的分析与妥协派有一个本质上的不同：革命者是为了克服困难而分析困难，而妥协派则是为了逃避困难而分析困难。
作者: 君行早 时间: 2023-2-2 17:42:27
张惟为 发表于 2023-2-2 17:31
你真的能区分经济主义和经济工作么？这玩意你要是真不懂的话，那我是没办法让你明白了，不要再跟我犟了。
...
啊对对对，经济因素在你看来就是那么的微不足道、不需要特别考虑，所以对未明子的道路里面所涉及的东西也就一句“按照预期来进行”就匆匆略过，生怕暴露自己在经济上的无知（尽管这些东西连十岁小孩都该明白）
我很会怀疑你究竟看没看过1848年法兰西阶级斗争这本书以及其导言，看没看过马克思对于具体事例的分析，他是用什么分析的？
另外，关于先锋队问题我也多次强调了先锋队只能在斗争中逐渐产生，而不是现在成立的各种“小组”（这是列宁的叫法）。关于中帝论和半外围的争论你也理解不了，按照你的话来说就是你太“蠢”了，我们把话讲给你听你都理解不了
作者: 张惟为 时间: 2023-2-2 17:45:23
本帖最后由 张惟为 于 2023-2-2 17:49 编辑
君行早 发表于 2023-2-2 17:42
啊对对对，经济因素在你看来就是那么的微不足道、不需要特别考虑，所以对未明子的道路里面所涉及的东西也 ...
你给我指出来，我哪里说过经济工作不重要？我批评的从来都是经济主义！
并且我明确说了，你们太笨了，一旦有人批评经济主义，就会认为这是在批评经济工作，因为你们区分不了经济主义和经济工作是两个层面的东西，并且经济主义作为政治理念对你的实际经济工作会有十分糟糕的影响！！！
举例，以经济建设为中心，会掩盖生产关系当中的矛盾，最终会败坏生产，邓在位的那些年，经济状况是最糟糕的。
政治挂帅不仅不会无视经济工作，反而会发掘出生产关系当中的矛盾，改善生产关系，更加有助于生产。
作者: 君行早 时间: 2023-2-2 18:14:43
张惟为 发表于 2023-2-2 17:45
你给我指出来，我哪里说过经济工作不重要？我批评的从来都是经济主义！
并且我明确说了，你们太笨了，一旦 ...
例子驴唇不对马嘴，邓那些年分明就是走资，其余一切不过是为了不放弃自己政治资本所做的借口，这都能被你拿来举例子
另外，你可以抛下书籍去问问当年那些人对政治挂帅什么看法，到底是因为政治挂帅真的就形成了什么意识还是说只是单纯的喊口号
再说了，你举的例子恰恰说明了在生产力不发达的时候无论搞什么样的主义、意识形态都没用
另外，别搁在那虚空画靶了，看重经济因素从而被你打上经济主义的帽子，然后再拿经济主义的缺点打我们？简直搞笑
作者: 俞聂 时间: 2023-2-2 20:31:22
注视者 发表于 2023-2-2 02:50
贡派是指比较保的左派吗？比如乌有这种。
是贡萨罗派。可以参见这篇介绍“ 毛泽东主义的缘起、发展和世界影响”http://redchinacn.net/forum.php? ... &extra=page%3D2
作者: 井冈山卫士 时间: 2023-2-2 21:39:18
Surdéterminism 发表于 2023-2-2 17:07
这也能告洋状，哈哈哈。我最喜欢看他们绞尽脑汁暗搓搓地塞几个字私货的样子了。
...
这个比喻非常恰当。现在是国内的旅华二等洋大人不顶用了，要找纯血统的洋大人指导中国革命了。
这帮人确实是没有脊梁骨，即不相信中国人民，又不相信自己，只能通过接入洋人左派内部的派系纷争，获得一些商业互吹机会，来宣称自己有洋大人的圣旨。
这和“白纸革命”搞“皇军认证”是一个道理。
作者: 具装骑兵 时间: 2023-2-2 21:41:18
张惟为 发表于 2023-2-2 17:31
你真的能区分经济主义和经济工作么？这玩意你要是真不懂的话，那我是没办法让你明白了，不要再跟我犟了。 ...
或者说你们所谓的“学院派”，也只是在经济工作上有所不足。
所以说嘛，好好当你的学院派，别碰瓷人家未明子，也别为了在未明子面前和中帝论撇清关系，以转述的口吻替中帝论学院派宣传，装中立，碰瓷的就是碰瓷的，假模假样地给未表忠心没用
作者: 小王向前冲 时间: 2023-2-2 22:21:32
造反法利赛 发表于 2023-2-2 15:11
费拉不堪到连白纸运动就让他们这么如获至宝，须知法西斯运动也是群众运动难道他们也能支持？是真不挑啊。
...
一个有意思的事情是，12月教育部施加压力要求学校必须开学，这几天我又发现，各地收到教育部的压力要求2月6号、11号逐步开学。特色很清楚自己在做什么，中资很清楚自己的目的如何达到。
作者: 报与桃花一处开 时间: 2023-2-2 23:58:30
小王向前冲 发表于 2023-2-2 22:21
一个有意思的事情是，12月教育部施加压力要求学校必须开学，这几天我又发现，各地收到教育部的压力要求2 ...
这个是为了干啥
作者: 杨坚 时间: 2023-2-3 00:16:25
本帖最后由 杨坚 于 2023-2-3 01:08 编辑
具装骑兵 发表于 2023-2-2 21:41
所以说嘛，好好当你的学院派，别碰瓷人家未明子，也别为了在未明子面前和中帝论撇清关系，以转述的口吻 ...
这下露出马脚了，从豆奶哥之前的发言来看他其实就是想为中帝论站台，表明上说不关心中帝论与半外围论的争端，但实际上一直在找教条主义者文章里的内容来反驳我们，奉劝豆奶哥一句，要光明正大，不要耍阴谋诡计。
作者: 西红柿收割机 时间: 2023-2-3 00:20:15
张惟为 发表于 2023-2-2 17:42
你仔细读，他的观点并没有发生变化，他认为中国在走向法西斯，并且正因为如此，才要坚决与其斗争。也就是 ...
看来还是欠缺教育，下次有机会接着跟他交流。
马克思主义者要是不跟资产阶级做斗争了，那还能叫马克思主义者吗？他这里还是不忘初心，喜说废话，强要斗，弱要斗，那还判断强弱干啥，反正抱着本《怎么办》就行了。
作者: 西红柿收割机 时间: 2023-2-3 00:21:18
杨坚 发表于 2023-2-3 00:16
这下露出马脚了，从豆奶哥之前的发言来看他其实就是想为中帝论辩护的，表明上说不关心中帝论与半外围论的 ...
也挺好，他比马列托可爱，马列托这家伙还想要花钱买媳妇。
作者: 小王向前冲 时间: 2023-2-3 13:17:18
报与桃花一处开 发表于 2023-2-2 23:58
这个是为了干啥
可能是为了过峰吧。让孩子都感染，过峰能更快些。
作者: 报与桃花一处开 时间: 2023-2-3 13:48:07
小王向前冲 发表于 2023-2-3 13:17
可能是为了过峰吧。让孩子都感染，过峰能更快些。
离谱，开学就是为了这？
作者: 小王向前冲 时间: 2023-2-3 19:56:16
报与桃花一处开 发表于 2023-2-3 13:48
离谱，开学就是为了这？
我不能打包票说一定是，但让孩子把病毒带回家去搞掉一个家庭的确“有用”。
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