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问题:如果我们不考虑戏剧、电影和短剧这些,是否不存在从经济政策引导出的客观趋势能够导致资本主义在中国和苏联发生复辟?
Q. If we set aside theater pieces, film or drama sketches, are there not objective tendencies flowing out of economic policy which can restore capitalism in China or the Soviet Union?
在中国和以及苏联和其他处在资本主义与社会主义转型之间的社会里,作为众多问题的(根本)问题而迅速发展的就似乎官僚的大行其道。这并非是托洛茨基的发明。而是马克思和列宁在谈到一个新工人国家时,他们所指出的对这个国家而言主要危险就是官僚的蜕化。这是马克思主义的经典分析和术语。
.......In China, as in the Soviet Union and the other countries in transition between capitalism and socialism, what looms up as the problem of problems is the mushrooming of the bureaucracy. This was not an invention of Trotsky. When both Marx and Lenin spoke about a new workers state, they indicated that the main danger for that state would be bureaucratic deformation. That is classical Marxist analysis and terminology.
毛试图去应对这一问题,这是一件好事。他并不是第一个这么做的,卡斯特罗、铁托、托洛茨基、列宁,都曾经努力在他们自己的时代用自己的方法去应对这一相同的问题。现在我们有众多的历史经验可以帮助我们在这一领域引导我们(工作)。我赞同(这里赞同的就是毛和中国文革采取的手段)动员群众和工人阶级的政治行动有效打击官僚的一个手段。但是工人民主与群众行动一样是必不可少的(这是曼德尔认为中国文革不足的地方)因为如果没有工人民主,那么一个人或者少数人的集团就可以操纵群众,在群众意识到之前,从一个极端发展到另一个极端。(邓小平等人口口声声赞同文革,却发动军事政变,逮捕文革派,镇压造反派群众,不就是如此做的吗)
Mao is trying to cope with this problem and that’s a good thing. He’s not the first one. Fidel Castro, Tito, Trotsky, Lenin – all tried to cope in their own time and way with this same problem. Now we have a big body of historical experience to help guide us in this field. I agree that mass mobilization and the political activity of the working class are preconditions for an effective fight against bureaucracy. But workers democracy is as essential as mass activity, because without workers democracy, one man or small group of men can try to manipulate the masses, and before they know it, they can be moved from one extreme to the other.
作为托派,我们当然毫不讳言对文革不可能五体投地地去赞同,但我们认同文革动员群众,反对官僚主义和可能带来的资本主义复辟的危险,要求实现真正工人民主。
但是话讲了那么多,我却没看出来自称经过文革和信奉马列全面赞同毛的”真相“对文革和群众造反运动到底持一个什么态度? |
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