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中国学院派写给美国毛派的一封信,信中点名红中网 [复制链接]

Rank: 2

18#
发表于 2023-2-2 15:11:04 |只看该作者
张惟为 发表于 2023-2-2 14:12
你这个就是典型的未小将了。未小将的口头禅就是“至少他做事了”。
要认识到未明子的路线不是改良主义, ...

人家是未小将,你一边碰瓷未一边给学院派站台

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Rank: 6Rank: 6

17#
发表于 2023-2-2 15:04:58 |只看该作者
张惟为 发表于 2023-2-2 14:12
你这个就是典型的未小将了。未小将的口头禅就是“至少他做事了”。
要认识到未明子的路线不是改良主义, ...

难道未明子上达天听,是当局“下大棋”在左派里面“掺沙子”的工具人?我之前也说过,我预计的就是类似于自立军起义与容闳转向的发展趋势,即便当局觉得有必要搞一个改良示范,他们最后大概率也会是勾结国际资本自打嘴巴…

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Rank: 8Rank: 8

16#
发表于 2023-2-2 14:59:25 |只看该作者
张惟为 发表于 2023-2-2 14:17
西红柿收割机评价中帝论:把赛里斯描述成强大的帝国主义,所以害怕得瑟瑟发抖。

中帝论者原文:

我们去年跟这家伙打了好几篇文章的笔仗,你可以去看看这家伙的观点变化,他一开始还是坚信中国资产阶级获得了大量海外利润的,到后面我们反复强调了中国资产阶级的虚弱本质,他的观点才发生了改变。

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Rank: 6Rank: 6

15#
发表于 2023-2-2 14:17:29 |只看该作者
西红柿收割机 发表于 2023-2-2 02:46
有的中国左派把中国社会主义运动长期得不到发展的原因归结为统治阶级过于强大,进步力量过于弱小;因此他们 ...

西红柿收割机评价中帝论:把赛里斯描述成强大的帝国主义,所以害怕得瑟瑟发抖。

中帝论者原文:
有的中国左派把中国社会主义运动长期得不到发展的原因归结为统治阶级过于强大,进步力量过于弱小;因此他们认为我们现在要做的事情是“等待时机”。不错,革命者也的确会分析敌人有多么强大,我们有多么弱小,但革命者的分析与妥协派有一个本质上的不同:革命者是为了克服困难而分析困难,而妥协派则是为了逃避困难而分析困难。



我早就说过了,半外围论 vs 中帝论从来都是宗派主义无效对话。如果中帝论者因为赛里斯强大得很可怕,那么中帝论者才会是真正的躺平派。但情况恰恰相反,红中网批评中帝论者冒进、脱离群众,红中网主张躺平。你们互相的逻辑根本就对不上。

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Rank: 6Rank: 6

14#
发表于 2023-2-2 14:12:15 |只看该作者
PalmFujimori 发表于 2023-2-2 13:51
一个实践的改良主义者比一个沉迷于“打嘴炮”“理论派系斗争”的人要好一些… ...

你这个就是典型的未小将了。未小将的口头禅就是“至少他做事了”。
要认识到未明子的路线不是改良主义,你们都低估了它背后的潜能。如果只是改良主义,那么根本就没必要关注。

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Rank: 6Rank: 6

13#
发表于 2023-2-2 13:51:00 |只看该作者
小王向前冲 发表于 2023-2-2 13:49
要光明正大,不要搞阴谋诡计。断言佳士主要是左派学生组织与其他左翼组织的运动,与激流、阳和平等人无关, ...

一个实践的改良主义者比一个沉迷于“打嘴炮”“理论派系斗争”的人要好一些…

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Rank: 6Rank: 6

12#
发表于 2023-2-2 13:49:39 |只看该作者
要光明正大,不要搞阴谋诡计。断言佳士主要是左派学生组织与其他左翼组织的运动,与激流、阳和平等人无关,是自我毁灭,我不理解。断言未明子是修正主义叛徒,我不赞成。未明子的推广形式已经是比较好的,却要打成黑的、反动的、修正的,转头说需要杂志,需要安全的论坛,陈独秀行为。
站准阶级立场不动摇,跟随主席路线走到底。

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Rank: 8Rank: 8

11#
发表于 2023-2-2 12:25:59 |只看该作者
西红柿收割机 发表于 2023-2-2 11:39
有意思的是,在这封中国学院派回复美国毛派的信中,中文版本里只cue了红中网一次,在英文版本中直接管红中 ...

注意到了

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Rank: 8Rank: 8

10#
发表于 2023-2-2 11:39:10 |只看该作者
有意思的是,在这封中国学院派回复美国毛派的信中,中文版本里只cue了红中网一次,在英文版本中直接管红中网叫反动派、假左派。

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Rank: 8Rank: 8

9#
发表于 2023-2-2 11:34:55 |只看该作者
Some Chinese leftists attribute the reason why the Chinese socialist movement has not developed for a long time to the fact that the ruling class is too strong and the progressive force is too weak; So they think that we should do nothing now but wait for the “opportunities”. It is true that revolutionaries will also analyse how strong the enemy is and how weak we are, but the analysis of revolutionaries is fundamentally different from that of the compromisers: revolutionaries analyse the difficulties in order to overcome them, while the compromisers analyse the difficulties in order to escape from them. It is true that Chinese fascist dictatorship is very powerful, because it is, after all, a bourgeois dictatorship established on the basis of subverting the dictatorship of the proletariat. (In other countries, when the bourgeoisie considers it necessary to establish a “fascist regime”, it is often in the face of a huge ruling crisis. When the general bourgeois order is on the verge of collapse, it is often facing an “either Hitler or Thäilmann” question and in this case the bourgeois have no choice but establish the fascist regime; In China, the revisionists within the Party have been under great pressure from the very beginning. Therefore, if China’s bureaucratic monopoly bourgeoisie wants to maintain its own rule without becoming compradors, then the establishment of a fascist regime is its only choice. However, after the establishment of this powerful fascist order, contemporary Chinese bureaucrats increasingly believe that they can solve all problems as long as they hide behind this order. They have long adopted a unique arrogant attitude towards the demands of the masses and any voice of dissatisfaction. In their view, as long as they start the violence state apparatuses, they can suppress everything; In their view, as long as they start the ideological state apparatuses, everyone would believe in their nonsense; In their view, they can rely on the fascist order left to them by their predecessors until forever. In this case, whatever they do, they will naturally rely on the fascist order, and the more they rely on it, the more they isolate themselves from the reality, the more they become incompetent and ignorant, and their incompetence in turn forces them to rely more and more on the fascist order left by their predecessors to maintain their rule. In addition, due to the different levels of economic development and different industrial conditions, the contradictions between different interest blocs within the ruling class are also very acute. This kind of contradiction broke out once in 2012, and at the recent 20th National Congress of the CPCh, it has exposed the bloody struggle within the ruling class of China to the whole world. In any case, Chinese ruling class has indeed “degenerated”. Compared with the revisionists who restored capitalism in China, the contemporary Chinese ruling class is much more incompetent both in terms of personal ability and in terms of the whole class, which is the inevitable result of excessive reliance of bureaucrats on the dictatorship machine and their intentional or unintentional disregard of social contradictions; It is also a reflection of the unbalanced development of economy in various regions in the superstructure under the rule of bourgeoisie. Admittedly, the above analysis is still slightly rough, but I think the basic logic should has been clarified. Based on the same logic, I guess that the ruling class of the US also seems to be too dependent on the world hegemony established by their predecessors, which may be one of the important reasons for their “degeneration”.
Since Chinese working class is so militant, and China’s ruling class is not the all-powerful God, why has Chinese socialist movement not made breakthrough progress for a long time? I think the key problem still lies in our MLM. If we observe the new round of socialist revolutionary movement in China from the perspective of historical cycle, we will find that the whole movement is still at a very very early stage. As I mentioned just now, a new generation of leftists and at least self-called MLM have appeared in the society, and the number of leftists has increased significantly since 2020. But I’m sure that at present, if not all of Chinese leftists, at least the vast majority of the so-called leftists and our self-called MLM are actually pettybourgeoisie intellectuals, and very few workers have class-consciousness. Over the years, many of the so-called “propaganda work” we have done on various network platforms under the absolute control of the bourgeoisie is not aimed at the workers, but at the “left-leaning pettybourgeoisie”. In many cases, we are simply “entertaining ourselves”. It is worth noting that I am not saying here that because many of our theories originated from the era of Marx and Lenin, so our propaganda means must copy newspapers and telegrams; On the contrary, we believe that modern information technology, if properly used, will be the best revolutionary propaganda tool and organisational tool, which I shall talk about shortly. However, the best weapons on the battlefield can not replace the strategic idea guiding the whole war after all. Our problem is not that we are using modern technology, but that we are separated from the modern workers, and the production and life of them. Of course, we did participate in the workers’ movement. We participated in the Jiashi movement five years ago. But why did a series of attempts represented by this movement failed? Why do workers dislike student participation so much? Many people refuse to answer these questions, but I think we must overcome them. Both the Jiashi movement and some recent movements have exposed the disjunction between the socialist movement and the workers’ movement. In the Jiashi movement, at the beginning of April, the main force of the struggle was indeed a group of workers represented by seven activists, but soon the workers basically faded out of the struggle. By August, the movement has basically become an aimless leftist student movement with strong political performance. Left-wing student associations and various left-wing NGOs all over the country have risen up to express their support for the movement, which basically exposed our full strength to the ruling class. Some people even put forward political demands that are obviously beyond the current stage of the movement. This is a bit like when the steel strike in 1919 and the coal strike in 1920 in the United States outbroke, some Communists(If my memory is not wrong, it’s from the manifesto of one of the CPUSA), regardless of the level of the development of the struggle, so the level of the movement was forcibly raised by them and they even insisted that “workers must seize the state power…to reply to the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie with the dictatorship of the working class”. As Comrade Foster said, “In the long run, these statements are undoubtedly correct in theory, but the workers cannot listen to them.” It is obvious that the problem lies in the fact that we has not implemented the mass line well and has not “from the masses to the masses.” And so, with the later defection and surrender of some people (particularly a big traitor who are called “贺鹏超”) and the nationwide crackdown, the whole Jiashi movement has also completely failed, The organised power of the leftists across the country has also been severely damaged and has not yet recovered. However, this is not completely a bad thing. After all, many people, including me, think that the previous “organisations” should not be recovered.
As for what to do in the future, to be honest, we really don’t know the specific route(here I am not talking about the Bolshevik method & PPW), and there is no generally accepted view about this point at present. Therefore, the following contents are only some preliminary opinions of some comrades and I myself, and are really “For reference only”.
As we have just mentioned indirectly above, at present, we Chinese leftists, even the self-called MLM, cannot be counted as few in terms of absolute number. From the theoretical level, I believe that we Chinese MLM can compare with any other foreign comrades. Therefore, some of us including myself believe that if an editorial branch with a certain theoretical level can be responsible for preparing a popular magazine that can attract workers and progressive students, combine MLM with social reality, and a relatively safe MLM network platform or wordpress as one of the communication tool, it may have a certain effect. It is worth noting that I am not talking about mass work here, but about building a MLM route front. Although there were some leftist magazines in China like IRN, its main content was various foreign movements, and its theoretical level was relatively poor, which can compare with Gonzaloists only. Therefore, many people only knew its existence but hardly read it. Now we also have some platforms, but basically only a few people pay attention to them. While, the various platforms and so-called organisations of the Gonzaloists are too formalism and full of sectarianism, and I’m afraid they can only shout slogans and prepare for the PPW forever. They often turn others into rightists just because of some extremely minor issues, but ignore the fundamental strategic issues; Let alone the exposed fake leftist platforms(particularly the red china net 红中网). In a word, they can’t bear the role of the route front at all, and we really need a route of our own.
This issue is almost over here. And we are very happy to listen to your sharing of experience or any suggestions. Finally, let me revise a sentence from Lenin’s masterwork What is to be done? as the end of this issue:
“The Chinese proletariat will have to undergo trials immeasurably graver; it will have to fight a monster compared with which an antisocialist law in a constitutional country seems but a dwarf. History has now confronted us with an immediate task which is the most revolutionary of all the immediate tasks confronting the proletariat of any country. The fulfilment of this task, the destruction of the most powerful bulwark, not only of East Asia, but (it may now be said) of Eastern hemisphere, would make the Chinese proletariat the vanguard of the international revolutionary proletariat. And we have the right to count upon acquiring this honourable title, already earned by our predecessors, the revolutionaries of the last century, if we succeed in inspiring our movement, which is a thousand times broader and deeper, with the same devoted determination and vigour.”

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